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In particular, how did the close cooperation of its many component species evolve?
My hypothesis is that it began with a few, probably no more than two zooids cooperating in symbiosis, and overtime, either entirely new species of zooid adapted to first parasitize and then cooperate with the existing company, or that some of the existing zooids mutated to acquire different functions. As the new zooids join the cooperation, the other re-adapt to form the "species" we see today.
Is that a somewhat accurate description of the evolutionary history of this colonial organism?
Addendum: Would the relative simplicity of the polyps forming the colony be a crucial prerequisite in their cooperation and specialization?
From plant odorant detection to sex pheromone communication
Biologists at Lund University in Sweden are now able to show that the receptors enabling the primitive moth species, Eriocrania semipurpurella, find an individual of the opposite sex, probably evolved from receptors which help the moth perceive the fragrances of plants.
"Love is in the air" is a known expression. And it's true, at least for moths. The female emits sex pheromones into the air to attract a male with which she can mate. The male senses the female's pheromones with the help of receptors located in his antennae. How the males developed the ability to pick up on these sex pheromones, however, has been unclear until now.
Researchers at the Department of Biology in Lund have now drawn the conclusion that plant odourant receptors evolutionarily preceded sex pheromone receptors in primitive species of moths. The researchers studied the leaf miner moth, Eriocrania semipurpurella, and found that this primitive species was likely able to find its host plant, birch, with the help of plant odourant receptors located on its antennae. Subsequently, the receptors of this species evolved a novel function to sense the sex pheromones of a moth of the opposite sex.
The results are important to increase our understanding of sex pheromone communication. Although it is basic research, the results may become practically applicable in the future.
"More research on the receptors could potentially lead to more successful ways to fight insect pests, for example, blocking the sex pheromone receptors may prevent the males from finding the females," says Martin N Andersson, biologist at the Faculty of Science in Lund, and one of the researchers behind the study.
Among the moths, there are four main groups of pheromones. The classification is based on the chemical composition and production routes of the female. Eriocrania semipurpurella uses a type 0 pheromone -- a type which, in its structure, resembles many odourants of plants. The researchers have now identified the receptors for this type of pheromone in Eriocrania semipurpurella. Next, they showed that these receptors can also sense plant odourants, and that the receptors are evolutionarily related to plant odourant receptors in other species. Based on this, the researchers conclude that the pheromone receptors of this primitive species evolved from plant odourant receptors.
According to the researchers, it is not impossible that a similar scenario also occurred in moths more advanced than Eriocrania semipurpurella.
"Research on more species is necessary, but evolution may very well have taken the same path in an ancestor of more advanced Lepidoptera," says Martin N Andersson.
- , with voiced stops lenited (“made softer”) into fricatives. Because this is fado it is sung, but the third clip has spoken examples. , where they are not softened that way they are still stops. The narrator is especially clear, although you notice it in the others as well. , showing the contrast in this regard between the Portuguese visitor’s speech where he quite clearly softens his stops into fricatives and his Brazilian hosts, who do not do that.
This question occurred to me when I read that a speaker of Iberian Portuguese hearing a Brazilian say ou bolo might mishear it as ou polo because the European was expecting the [b] sound to become a [β] in that position, and when it didn’t, the wrong word might be momentarily (mis)understood before the context clarified it.
A European War ↑
This was particularly the case in the three countries which were at the heart of the conflict – the French Republic and the German and Russian empires. This was the context of the images of enthusiastic soldiers leaving for war in 1914 and the trains of mobilised troops covered in bellicose graffiti – nevertheless it is important not to exaggerate this phenomenon these cases were only ever a very small minority of overall troops and populations.
In France, although there had been some evident concern among the public in the weeks before the outbreak of the conflict, the atmosphere was not pro-war, despite the significant hawk-like change to the military service law of the previous year, 1913, which lengthened the period of service from two to three years. At the end of July 1914, the French press was far more focused on a domestic scandal – the trial of Henriette Caillaux (1874-1943), the wife of one of the leading politicians of the French Third Republic, which took place from 22 to 29 July. Her husband was president of the most important political party in the country, the Radical Party. She was on trial for her actions on 16 March 1914 when she shot and killed Gaston Calmette (1858-1914), the editor of Le Figaro, a newspaper that had waged an ongoing campaign against her husband. She feared Calmette would publish "intimate letters" that she had exchanged with her husband Joseph Caillaux (1863-1944) prior to their marriage while she was his mistress and Caillaux was still married to his first wife, whom he divorced in March 1911.
When war suddenly loomed as a threat in the last days of July, French public opinion was far from being unanimous. In Paris and in the larger towns, some relatively significant nationalist demonstrations took place, but pacifist demonstrations organised by the socialist party and the CGT trade union were more numerous. In contrast, in rural France there was little knowledge of the international developments the countryside was focused on work in the fields at this time of year and few of its inhabitants had the leisure time to read newspapers, practically the only news medium during this period. When the church bells began to ring on 1 August and it became clear that this was not to warn of fire but to announce mobilisation for war, the first reaction was one of stunned shock and consternation. But opinion in the towns and countryside was dramatically changed by the German invasion of Belgium and Luxembourg. Faced with what, to many French, appeared to be a characteristic German act of aggression, the vast majority of the public believed that it was necessary to defend the country. Only in a handful of cases, however, did this situation provoke enthusiasm the overwhelming attitude was one of resolution and resignation.
German public opinion evolved quite differently, largely because, as Wolfgang J. Mommsen (1930-2004) has shown, the "idea that a war was inevitable" was relatively widespread in Germany.  One reason was that since the 1911 Morocco Crisis, the Germans had become convinced that their legitimate colonial expansion was being blocked by the French and the English. Another extremely influential idea in German public opinion was the fear of encirclement resulting from the coalition between France, Great Britain and Russia, an idea exacerbated by another largely unfounded fear, which had continued to grow nevertheless, of a Russian threat to Germany: there was a widespread belief that in the event of a war, Germany risked being overwhelmed by the Russian masses within a few years, Russia having recently reformed its army to increase its strength. This helps explain why, when the threat of war loomed in July 1914, there was evidence of real enthusiasm for war among the middle classes in Germany, often accompanied by profoundly anti-Russian attitudes. Recent historical work by Roger Chickering and Jeffrey Verhey has highlighted this and the extent to which such patriotic manifestations were also aimed at the German socialist movement, whose patriotism was considered suspect by the German right in the weeks preceding Germany’s entry into the conflict. War enthusiasm was much less evident among the working classes, and, even if, as in France, it proved impossible to organise a large anti-war protest strike movement in time to actually stop the conflict, there were a series of major demonstrations across German cities that mobilised hundreds of thousands of workers under the banners of the Social Democratic Party to oppose Germany going to war in the last week of July, as Jeffrey Verhey has shown. As Gerd Krumeich has emphasised, the response to the threat of war in working class urban areas was often one of depression and desolation, and the SPD leadership only fully rallied to support the war after the Russian invasion of East Prussia. 
These initial reactions to the news of war were soon followed by a second phase during which a sense of worry dominated throughout the German population. The idea of a fresh and joyful war, following a model that dated back to 1859, dissipated rapidly in 1914 despondency at the news of war continued amongst workers. Indeed, recent historical research by Jeffrey Verhey, Benjamin Ziemann and Wolfgang Kruse has shown that the mood among German workers and peasants was not pro-war many were fearful but practically none were able to speak out against the war after the SPD Reichstag deputies decided to vote for war credits. The rapid drop in war enthusiasm in Germany was also linked to the tough war conditions that unfolded. For the German military leadership, it was necessary to first fight the French army before then shifting to focus upon fighting the Russians. The German public viewed the latter contest as much more important and threatening.
In the case of Russia there was no one general monolithic reaction to the outbreak of war. Responses varied widely from patriotic fervour to anti-war despondency, militancy and disorder.  Russian urban populations generally responded to German Russophobia with a wave of anti-German sentiment. Patriotic fervour was widespread among the Russian educated classes war enthusiasm was markedly more moderate amongst the workers. Yet it is noteworthy that in St Petersburg – a name which was immediately deemed too German-sounding and replaced with Petrograd – although the preceding period had been one of social and political unrest in the city, with barricades and strikes, a situation that bordered on the revolutionary, such social protest ceased when faced with the outbreak of international war. The Russian Duma held a historic session where all the parties affirmed their patriotism, with the exception of the Bolshevik and Menshevik Deputies who refused to vote for war credits however, they were very few in number, with nine and five Deputies respectively. It is important to note that the segment of the working class population that supported them and whose views they reflected was underrepresented in the Duma: the war was unpopular with key segments of the urban working class population.
In contrast to the mass patriotic mobilisation in the cities, there was widespread despondency, open dissent and desertion in many rural districts where conscripted peasants engaged in drunken riots which were suppressed by the military, with hundreds killed. The immense majority of the Russian population were peasants who did not understand the reasons for mobilisation or experience patriotic fervour. But their viewpoint counted for little. Also, their discontent did not develop into an organised mass refusal to mobilise, even though those reporting to the mobilisation points were delivering themselves up to the harsh demands of the Russian army. Once drafted, many proved disciplined and obedient soldiers however, the mass desertions before 1917 show that it is necessary to make careful distinctions, as morale and obedience fluctuated greatly, and the Russian army also used widespread coercive discipline to keep troops in line, making it difficult to assess troops’ opinions of the war.
It was Austria-Hungary which bore the brunt of the responsibility for unleashing this war which had seen large swathes of Europe mobilise in several days. Austria-Hungary had acted in order to take vengeance on Serbia which it viewed as responsible for the assassination of the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Franz Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria-Este (1863-1914), a month earlier, on 28 June 1914, in Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, territory recently annexed by Austria-Hungary. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was an unusually structured multinational state and it was conceivable that the many different groups among the population, in particular the German and Slav populations, would react to the news of war in different ways. In reality, although the sudden outbreak of a European war came as a shock, the attitude of the Austro-Hungarian population was even more of a surprise in its relative coherence: there was very little difference in terms of how the German, Hungarian, Polish and Czech populations of the empire, and even the Serbian population of Bosnia-Herzegovina, responded to the war. They displayed very similar patriotic reactions to the populations of nation-states in their defensive rallying around the state and the Emperor. This behaviour was so unexpected and difficult to understand that Leon Trotsky (1879-1940), who was in Vienna during this period, believed it was not possible to find a theoretical explanation for it, instead suggesting that those mobilised for war were simply glad to escape the boredom of everyday life. Although he was writing based on his experiences in a German part of the Empire, the situation was more or less similar throughout Austria-Hungary.
Great Britain ↑
It had been over fifty years since Great Britain had intervened militarily in a conflict on the continent. The Liberal Party, in government since 1906, wished to continue this state of affairs and avoid entangling Great Britain, which, as a global power, had other overseas concerns in India and Persia to weigh against continental ones. The United Kingdom’s domestic situation was unstable in light of the tense Irish political situation surrounding the implementation of Home Rule, various social problems, and suffragette agitation. This merely bolstered the view that getting involved on the continent was not in Britain’s interests. The Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey (1862-1933), was convinced that the European problems could be solved through negotiation, and had long resisted accepting any transformation of Britain’s entente with France and Russia into an actual alliance. At the outset of the July Crisis in 1914, Britain was focused on the crisis in Ireland rather than on Serbia, with widespread indifference to the outcome of the Austro-Hungarian-Serbian clash amongst the British general public. In addition, when on Sunday 2 August, Germany issued its ultimatum to Belgium, the British were enjoying a long bank holiday weekend, which meant that while the most unprecedented war in history was being unleashed, the British public was literally "on holiday", enjoying a Monday off work. The cabinet, however, was badly divided on whether or not to enter the war, and concerned about public reactions: there were major anti-war demonstrations, including one that rallied thousands of people in Trafalgar Square in London in the days preceding the entry into the war. Ultimately, it was the German invasion of Belgium that allowed the cabinet figures in favour of assisting France – Edward Grey and Winston Churchill (1874-1965) in particular – to win. Arguably it was not until Grey’s speech to the House of Commons the day before the British entered the war on 4 August 1914 that public opinion swung solidly behind intervention.
But public opinion reacted rapidly to the government’s action, responding with almost unanimous approval – the Liberals, Conservatives and Labour all voted for war credits, while even the very liberal newspaper The Manchester Guardian rallied to the war effort in response to the invasion of Belgium. Men from all backgrounds, but particularly from the middle classes, responded in their hundreds of thousands to the call for military volunteers to serve – Britain did not have conscription in the first two years of the war and the 2 million men who volunteered are evidence of a widespread, if not universal, commitment to the national cause. As the British historian John Keiger has emphasised, in the British case, a country that was extremely divided in 1914 was suddenly united by the war. 
Serbia and Belgium ↑
Serbia and Belgium, as small states, faced a simple dilemma in 1914 – fight or surrender – in contrast to the larger European countries which were by and large masters of their own destiny during the outbreak of the conflict. Faced with the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum, Serbia found itself in a difficult position, already exhausted by the two Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 which had ended just barely a year earlier, on 10 August 1913, with the Treaty of Bucharest. Serbia had no real means of effectively resisting the much more powerful forces of Austria-Hungary however, this did not prevent the Serbian press from aggravating the situation with patriotic and belligerent articles. There was, however, virtual national unanimity within Serbia around the decision to refuse to capitulate, with the exception of two socialist deputies. It should be noted that these two men represented rural regions given that Serbia almost completely lacked any industry.
Belgium had no stake in the unfolding war and was only brought into the conflict because the German Schlieffen Plan set out that the German army would cross Belgium as part of its invasion of France. Germany offered to pay the costs that would arise from this military invasion of Belgium, presenting it as merely a process of military transit into France, and was convinced that the Belgians would permit the passage of the powerful German army. However, this turned out not to be the case – both the Walloon and the Flemish populations of the country were indignant at the prospect of what was effectively an invasion of their sovereign territory and a breach of Belgian neutrality. According to Belgian historians, such as Jean Stengers (1922-2002), and in particular, war contemporary Henri Pirenne (1862-1935), it was a sense of national honour which motivated the majority of Belgians, who were angered by the way in which Germany, one of the signatories of the treaty that had pledged to guarantee Belgian neutrality, had broken its obligations. 
Colonies and Dominions ↑
The European war took on the appearance of a global conflict right from the outset due to the use of colonial troops. France was the only state to use black African troops on the European battlefield. It also employed troops from the Maghreb, mobilised from its North African territories. Britain used Indian soldiers on the Western Front. The British "white" Dominions also entered into the war when Britain did. On 31 July 1914, the Australian Prime Minister Joseph Cook (1860-1947) stated that “when the Empire is at war, so is Australia at war.”  Over the course of the conflict, over 1 million Australian, Canadian, South-African, New Zealand and Newfoundland volunteers would fight in Europe, while a large number of Indian soldiers also fought in Mesopotamia, Egypt and elsewhere.
Japan, which was allied to Great Britain, was also obliged to enter the war on the Allied side as part of the terms of its alliance treaty which had been renewed in 1911.  The Japanese military supported entry and part of the country’s press provoked an anti-German movement. Nonetheless, Japan refused to send combat troops to Europe and focused its war contribution on conquering Germany’s colonial enclave at Tsing-tau in China, which it swiftly took in 1914.
Non-participating States ↑
Within days, much of Europe had entered the war, with the exception of the Netherlands, Switzerland the Scandinavian states and in the south, the Ottoman Empire, Italy and the Iberian Peninsula. The case of Switzerland was special. The 69 percent of the population that was German-speaking favoured Germany, while the 22 percent of the population who were Francophone were largely pro-French in their attitudes to the conflict.  Thus, the internal Swiss situation was fragile. However, the army, which was mobilised from 1 August 1914, remained neutral and helped to maintain the neutrality of the country, even if its commander General Ulrich Wille (1848-1925) was openly pro-German. The Swiss economy was majorly disrupted by the war, but none of the belligerents had any interest in violating Swiss neutrality – rather the opposite. They sought to benefit from the communication and transport channels between the belligerents that a neutral Switzerland sustained at the centre of Europe. The Netherlands was also economically disrupted, particularly by the temporary influx of 1 million Belgian refugees. The Scandinavian countries were also affected economically and politically by the war: in Denmark, the majority of the population was hostile to Germany, in Norway, there was a majority in favour of Great Britain, while the Swedish public favoured Germany, to the extent that there was an important element calling for Sweden to enter the war on the side of the Central Powers. In the south of Europe, neutral Spain was divided by the conflict into two sides, pro-Allied and pro-Central Powers, with Alfonso XIII, King of Spain (1886-1941), effectively maintaining the country’s position of neutrality throughout the war.
The situation evolved differently elsewhere where other neutral countries ultimately found it impossible to remain out of the conflict. Portugal had little real stake in this war beyond being an old ally of the United Kingdom.  The British government believed it was preferable that Portugal remain neutral, and the Portuguese population was largely indifferent. Yet since the 1910 revolution, which had established the Portuguese Republic, the Democratic Party, the most radical of the Republican factions, believed it would be in the interests of the Republic to unite the country behind a great national cause, and that the war offered this opportunity. Following on from German provocations, particularly in Africa, where Portuguese Angola bordered the colony of German South-West Africa, Portugal declared war on Germany on 9 March 1916. Two unfortunate Portuguese Divisions were the victims of Portugal’s First World War gamble – they were "routed" by the German offensive in Flanders in April 1918. There was scarcely a Portuguese church that did not erect a memorial to the dead of the conflict.
Italy was the only major European power to not immediately enter the war and was the subject of strong lobbying from both sides to join them. Italy’s situation was unique, as before the conflict it had been allied to Germany and Austria-Hungary as part of the Triple Alliance, but had also coveted Trieste and the Trentino which were Austro-Hungarian territories. The majority of the Italian population – the peasantry – were indifferent to the European conflict and largely illiterate and focused on local issues however, in the towns, a pro-Entente movement which called for Italy to intervene on the side of the Entente developed. This was a predominantly middle class movement, which saw the war as a chance for Italy to take those coveted Austro-Hungarian territories known as the "irredente" lands – the largely Italian-speaking areas of the Trentino and Trieste in particular. In contrast, the Italian urban working classes were largely pacifist. Major demonstrations took place in Rome and Milan in favour of intervention. The Italian right, which had originally been more favourable towards the Central Powers, now rallied to the pro-Entente interventionist national movement. The interventionist demonstrations ultimately gave rise to what became known as "radiant May" which ended with Italian entry into the war on the side of the Entente Powers in May 1915. The patriotic fervour in the cities was real, and the mobilised peasantry, although often lacking knowledge of the war’s causes, would in many cases fight with significant determination, although, as in the Russian case, morale fluctuated and the army employed harsh coercive discipline which makes any assessment of soldiers’ opinion on the war difficult to gauge.
The Balkans ↑
The war had emerged from the Balkans but had, in the first months, passed the majority of the Balkan states by. However, as the conflict continued, the belligerents multiplied their efforts and pressure to draw the Balkan states into the war on their side.
In spite of its defeat in the first Balkan War, the Ottoman Empire was no longer the "sick man of Europe". It had been bolstered by the rise of the pre-war Young Turk movement, which had become resolutely nationalist following its successful coup, and which envisaged reconstructing the Empire along the lines of a Turkish national state in order to strengthen it. The Young Turk leadership also aspired to extend the borders of the state to encompass the Turkic populations of the Caucasus and Turkestan who were under Russian rule, and some members saw the outbreak of war as a potential chance to take this territory from Russia while Russia was distracted on other fronts. Not all of the Young Turk leadership were in favour of entering the war, however, and it was ultimately Ismail Enver Paşa (1881-1922), who was profoundly pro-German, who drew Turkey into the war against Russia by attacking Russian naval ships in the Black Sea. The Ottoman Empire declared its entry to the war on the side of the Central Powers on 2 November 1914.
With regard to the Balkan states of Romania, Bulgaria and Greece, all three had monarchs who were of German origin and whose sympathies lay with Germany. Nevertheless, the stance of each of these three countries was different. The mass of the population were rural peasantry who again played little role in the decisions taken regarding entering the war. Public opinion was determined by the middle classes in urban centres – a small segment of the overall population. Germany badly needed Bulgaria as an ally as this would facilitate its communication links with the Ottoman Empire however, exhausted by the Balkan Wars, Bulgaria was reluctant to get involved in the conflict even if it desired to retake the part of Macedonia that lay inside Serbia’s borders. Ultimately, Germany and Austria-Hungary bought Bulgarian intervention by offering the country an enormous financial subvention, and Bulgaria declared war on Serbia on 14 October 1915. Romania, which coveted territory from both Russia and Austria-Hungary, focused on opportunistically entering the war on the side of whoever was most likely to be victorious. In 1916, Romania believed that this would be the Entente side, following a series of Russian successes, and declared war on Austria-Hungary on 27 August 1916. As for Greece, its leading political figure Eleutherios Venizelos (1864-1936) hoped that by supporting the Allies that he could realise his "great idea" of reconstituting a modern version of the Byzantine Empire however, he faced the strong opposition of the pro-German Greek court which wanted Greece to remain neutral. Ultimately it was France that removed Greece’s diplomatic options with regard to the conflict, by sending French troops to Salonika (modern Thessaloniki) on 1 October 1915, in something of a fait accompli, and creating an Allied army there that the French labelled the "Armée d’Orient". In June 1917, the Allies deposed Constantine I, King of Greece (1868-1923), and, led by Venizelos, Greece then officially entered the war on the Allied side on 29 June.
Thus by 1917, for a wide range of very diverse reasons, almost all of Europe had entered into the war – although each state’s view of the conflict differed so much that it is fair to say that in many ways they were entering different ‘wars’. Indeed, for the Balkan states, the First World War can reasonably be described as the third Balkan War. Public opinion also played a varied role in decision-making depending on the sophistication of a state’s political structures and systems of response to citizens, levels of literacy and press saturation, and industrial development.
Man OR Man O' War-- A beachside reflection on evolution
Staying a few days after the Wizard Miami convention for a little fishing in the canals around this part of Florida looking for the elusive Cobra Snakeheads. I didn't find too many fish, BUT the beach near my little apartment in Lauderdale-By-The-Sea, WAS literally COVERED, with what I assumed were jellyfish .
They kind of snuck up on me the second day. i.e. not there one day, and having a big party the next.
Walking along the shore, shoes off and feet in the surf, the first blue invertebrate creature caught my eye, with a beautiful mauve sail, looking like a deflating, multi-colored, kids birthday balloon. On closer inspection. which of course I am wont to do-- it was NOT.
Being a kind-hearted soul and thinking it had a few breaths left in 'em, I gently took the tip of my new sneaker, and tried to nudge the unfortunate critter back into the surf. I certainly wasn't going to touch it. I remember that episode of "Friends." But I did what I could.
"Poor Jellyfish," I thought. "Get thee back into the ocean."
It seemed more resigned to languish on the beach, however. So, after a few attempts I went on my way.
About four hundred feet later, I saw he was NOT alone.
Like the jellyfish version of a whale beaching, the coast around Lauderdale-by-the-sea had amassed an armada of blue carbon dioxide jellyfish sails, baking in the sun. It really looked like a Lilliputian fleet of windjammers in dry dock.
As I was looking closely--as close as I could without touching it that is-- at one particularly large specimen, a surfer walking by, said, "Hey, don't touch that thing. You'll end up in the hospital. That's a Man O' War."
"Isn't it dead," I asked, thinking well, the war is over for these guys.
"Doesn't matter," he replied. "The stings still a #*&%[email protected]&!"
Didn't have to tell me twice. The long-haired, sea-shell wearing young man seemed to speak from experience. And off he sashayed to catch what I hoped would be a Man O' War free wave. that would ride high and eventually deposit him on the sands as well. taking the same route as our Man O' War, but with a different outcome.
All this, of course, leaving me with much to think about:
Apparently these organisms---these fallen Portuguese Man O' War-- can reach their tentacles from beyond the grave. Wow! Wouldn't that be fantastic!
This was obviously a fact that the normally voracious sea gulls scavenging about seemed to already know. Not even a nibble did they send the Man O' War way. Oh, it also seemed to be a bit of knowledge that the parents letting their toddlers build sandcastles that were d ead-venomous-creature adjacent, didn't seem to mind. "Location, location, location, kids!"
"Odd scene," came to mind for some reason.
The second day on the beach, I fully expected the Man O' Wars to be washed out to sea, but there were even more of the bulbous carbon dioxide creatures strewn about! Didn't they know what was good for them?
I noticed once again their oddly compelling beauty, so I decided to do some research of my own. And guess what?!
They are NOT jellyfish at all.
The Portuguese Man-Of-War is something completely different!
"What's the difference?" You may ask. We'll I'll tell you, with a tip of the hat to Wikipedia, and it's fascinating:
"Despite its outward appearance, the man-of-war is not a true jellyfish but a siphonophore, which differ from jellyfish in that they are not actually a single creature, but a colonial organism made up of many minute individuals called zooids. Each of these zooids is highly-specialized and, although structurally similar to other solitary animals, are attached to each other and physiologically integrated to the extent that they are incapable of independent survival."
These ancient creatures, named after the Spanish sailing ships nicknamed Man O' War's, have been bonded together in this way without evolution for millions of years, it seems, and as I read further, there are even tiny fish that have become immune to their venom, and live among the tentacles and sometimes even snack on them.
A symbiotic relationship as it were-- learning to endure the stings, become desensitized, in order to reap some benefit from the compartmentalized mother ship.
"You said Venom!" Well, yes, my surfer dude was right.
They are particularly nasty it seems.
Again, Wikipedia, thank you, because here's the low down:
"The Portuguese Man o' War is responsible for up to 10,000 human stings in Australia each summer, particularly on the east coast, with some others occurring off the coast of South Australia and Western Australia.
"The stinging venom-filled nematocysts[ in the tentacles of the Portuguese Man o' War can paralyze small fish and other prey. Detached tentacles and dead specimens (including those that wash up on shore) can sting just as painfully as the live creature in the water, and may remain potent for hours or even days after the death of the creature or the detachment of the tentacle.
"Stings usually cause severe pain to humans, leaving whip-like, red welts on the skin that normally last 2 or 3 days after the initial sting, though the pain should subside after about an hour. However, the venom can travel to the lymph nodes and may cause, depending on the amount of venom, a more intense pain. A sting may lead to an allergic reaction. There can also be serious effects, including fever, shock, and interference with heart and lung action. Stings may also cause death,although this is rare."
Oh, well, THAT'S a Relief. And no, I was never going to touch one. I figured it was blue and alien looking enough that it probably was not human friendly. Bright Colors=Don't touch, right?
What I love about the article though, is that the first word of advice if you ARE stung by a PMOW is:
"To avoid any further contact with the Portuguese Man o' War."
Uh. thank you, because if I'm horribly stung, I think the first thing I would do is go back and see if we couldn't work out this relationship. Oh wait, I have done that. Hum. LOL
Seriously though, you can read what else to do if stung by a PMOW here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Portuguese_Man_o'_War
So, armed with knowledge, I still did my jog on the beach the next day, gamely jumping over bulbous Man O'War hurdles, leaving them in my wake, as their little sails bobbed in the strong ocean breeze, decay firmly anchoring them to the white sands.
With the coast already teeming that morning, I sat down to rest among the carnage post run-- just me, a throng of sea gulls nipping at seaweed nearby, lifeless beat-red sun-bathers legs akimbo, and a few intrepid surfers still waiting for that one awesome wave to change them from amphibians by choice to landlubbers again.
The belly of one particular basking and somewhat basting human punctuated the sky nearby, like a over-ripe plumb, striking a silhouette that mimicked almost perfectly that of the unfortunate ancient, primitively made, Man O' War scattered all around him.
This bright red vacationer, in the lime green speedo and the unwilling-dry-docked bright blue invertebrate seemed somewhat akin at that moment--the mix of colors creating one wild watercolor scene.
Sitting amidst this kaleidoscope, I wondered, complex and yet simple as it was, surviving generation after generation, why had not this creature ever evolved to be a cohesive unit, instead remaining a fractionalized group, each compartment so separate from the next, yet essential for survival? Or, most important, why had it not evolved to have created self-aware locomotion, movement, for it's wind-swept life, so that it could lead itself out of troubled waters, avoiding beaching, ruin, and an ultimate demise en masse?
What a simple thing we take for granted. That free will thing. Being able to change course when needed and avoid the rocky coast. Even though, sadly,more often than not. the choice is to forge ahead. Dam the torpedoes.
Somehow. Man O' War seemed an appropriate label at that moment.
And, I contemplated the choices in evolution.
But then. again. who am I to say. perhaps the humans baking in the sun are quite happy just the way they are.
Historic evolution of gastronomy: - PowerPoint PPT Presentation
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presentations for free. Or use it to find and download high-quality how-to PowerPoint ppt presentations with illustrated or animated slides that will teach you how to do something new, also for free. Or use it to upload your own PowerPoint slides so you can share them with your teachers, class, students, bosses, employees, customers, potential investors or the world. Or use it to create really cool photo slideshows - with 2D and 3D transitions, animation, and your choice of music - that you can share with your Facebook friends or Google+ circles. That's all free as well!
Central to Portugal’s assertion of its unique position in Africa was the long––and largely uninterrupted––duration of its presence in the continent. The now classic Boxer 1991 chronicles the history of Portuguese expansion from the 15th to the early 19th centuries in which Africa plays a significant role. The Birmingham 2004 collection is more tightly focused on the presence in Africa as is Chilcote 1967 (which offers a continuous narrative rather than, as in Birmingham’s book, individual studies). Finally, the social and cultural underpinning of Portuguese imperial doctrine––lusotropicalism––can be explored in the collection Freyre 1960, by its founding philosopher, the Brazilian anthropologist Gilberto Freyre. The concept of lusotropicalism and its political and cultural impact in Portugal itself is closely analyzed by Castelo 1998 while MacQueen 2003 discusses the lusotropical illusion and the aftermath of Portugal’s loss of empire. Various historiographical debates on these and other areas take place online at the H-Luso-Africa list-serv which brings together scholars and observers of Portuguese-speaking Africa from across the world.
Birmingham, David. Portugal and Africa. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2004.
A collection of previously published essays by one of the leading interpreters of Portuguese colonial history reflecting four decades of work in the area. Covering the earlier phases of expansion as well as 19th and 20th century colonial rule, the balance of the collection favors Angola above the other territories.
Boxer, Charles R. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825. Manchester, UK: Carcanet in association with the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, 1991.
The preliminaries to Portugal’s formal colonial rule in Africa are extensively explored here (in a work first published in 1969) by the writer generally considered to be the doyen of foreign scholars of Portuguese expansion.
Castelo, Cláudia. “O Modo Português de estar no Mundo”: o Luso-tropicalismo e a Ideológia Colonial Portuguesa (1933–1961). Porto, Portugal: Edicões Afrontamento, 1998.
A study of the political, cultural, and psychological roots and influences of the idea of lusotropicalism and its enduring place in the collective Portuguese consciousness throughout the 20th century and beyond.
Chilcote, Ronald H. Portuguese Africa. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1967.
A general survey of Portugal’s five centuries in Africa by a prolific American writer on colonialism.
Freyre, Gilberto. The Portuguese and the Tropics: Suggestions Inspired by the Portuguese Methods of Integrating Autochthonous Peoples. Lisbon: Executive Committee for the Commemoration of the Vth Centenary of Death of Prince Henry the Navigator, 1960.
A collection of essays published––following a government-sponsored tour of Portugal’s African territories––providing a guide to the author’s theory of “lusotropicalism.”
An internet discussion group which is concerned with all aspects of Portuguese-speaking Africa including its history and historiography.
MacQueen, Norrie. “Re-defining the ‘African Vocation’: Portugal’s Post-colonial Identity Crisis.” Journal of Contemporary European Studies 11.2 (2003): 181–199.
Explores the contradictions of the lusotropical doctrine and its effects on Portugal’s postcolonial relationships.
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10 Facts About the Portuguese Man O' War
Something a lot scarier than any Jersey Devil has been washing up on beaches in the Garden State lately: This month, the dangerous Portuguese Man O’ War—which has a potentially deadly sting—has been sighted in Cape May and Wildwood, New Jersey, which could lead to problems for beachgoers. Read on to learn more about these unusual creatures.
1. IT'S NOT A JELLYFISH.
The Portuguese Man o’ War may look like a bloated jellyfish, but it’s actually a siphonophore—a bizarre group of animals that consist of colonies made up of dozens, hundreds, or even thousands of genetically-identical individual creatures. A siphonophore starts out as a fertilized egg. But as it develops, it starts "budding" into distinct structures and organisms. These tiny organisms—called polyps or zooids—can’t survive on their own, so they merge together into a tentacled mass. They must cooperate as one in order to do things like travel and catch food.
Though the zooids within a Man O’ War are basically clones, they come in different shapes and serve different purposes [PDF]. Dactylozooids are long hunting tentacles built to ensnare prey gastrozooids are smaller tentacles which digest the food and gonozooids are dangling entities whose job is to facilitate reproduction. Every Man O’ War also has a pneumatophore, or “float”—an overgrown, bag-like polyp which acts as a giant gas bladder and sits at the top of the colony. Capable of expanding or contracting at will, it provides the Man O’ War with some buoyancy control. An expanded float also enables the colony to harness winds to move around.
2. A CLOSE RELATIVE IS THE INDO-PACIFIC “BLUEBOTTLE.”iStock
When we say “Portuguese Man O’ War,” we’re talking about Physalia physalis, the bizarre siphonophore that’s scaring New Jerseyans right now. Also known as the Atlantic Portuguese Man O’ War, it can be found in warmer parts of the Pacific, the Caribbean, the Indian Ocean, and of course, the Atlantic.
Another kind of siphonophore which regularly stings beachgoers is the so-called bluebottle, Physalia utriculus. It’s sometimes called the Indo-Pacific “Portuguese” Man O’ War and is restricted to the Pacific and Indian Oceans. It’s smaller than the Atlantic species and unlike its bigger counterpart—which has multiple hunting tentacles—it hunts with a single, elongated tentacle.
3. THE NAME “PORTUGUESE MAN O’ WAR” IS PROBABLY A NAVAL REFERENCE.
In the age of sailing, many European navies used tall warships loaded with cannons and propelled by three masts. British sailors took to calling this kind of vessel a “Man of War.”
What does that have to do with Physalia physalias? These colonies spend a lot of time floating at the water’s surface, and when the gas bladder is expanded, it looks—and acts—a bit like a sailboat, hence the “Man O’ War.” As for the Portuguese part, 19th century scientists proposed that sailors encountered it near the Portuguese island of Madeira, while modern etymologists tend to think that it looked like the Portuguese version of the ship.
Or at least that’s one explanation for the creature’s peculiar name. It’s also been suggested that Renaissance-era sailors thought the pneumatophores resembled the helmets worn by Portugal’s soldiers during the 16th century.
4. MAN O’ WAR TENTACLES CAN BE UP TO 165 FEET LONG.iStock
At least, that’s the maximum length for the dactylozooids—which are normally around 30 feet long and use venom-spewing cells to deliver painful, neurotoxic stings. When a tentacle is detached from the rest of the colony, it might wash ashore somewhere or drift around for days on end until it decomposes. Be warned: Even a severed tentacle can sting you.
5. ON RARE OCCASIONS, STINGS CAN BE FATAL TO HUMANS.
The odds of being killed by a Portuguese Man O’ War are slim. But just because deaths are rare doesn't mean you should touch one: On February 11, 2018, 204 people in Hollywood, Florida were treated for stings, which can lead to red welts on the skin, muscle cramps, elevated heart rates, and vomiting.
Still, the creatures can kill: One unlucky victim suffered a full cardiovascular collapse and died after getting too close to a Man O’ War in eastern Florida back in 1987. More recently, a woman swimming off Sardinia was stung by one and died of what was believed to be anaphylactic shock.
6. SOME FISH LIVE IN THEM.
Given that tiny fish make up about 70 to 90 percent of the Man O’ War’s diet (it also eats shrimp and other crustaceans), Nomeus gronovii, a.k.a. the Portuguese Man O’ War Fish, is playing a dangerous game: It lives among the siphonophore's tentacles even though it's not immune to its stings, swimming nimbly between the stingers. Young fish eat planktons which wander under their hosts and, as they get older, will sometimes steal the Man O’ War’s prey—or nibble on its tentacles.
7. SEA SLUGS LIKE TO STEAL THEIR TOXINS.
The Man O’ War has a long list of enemies. Loggerhead sea turtles and the bizarre-looking ocean sunfish are thick-skinned enough to eat them. There are also “blue dragon” sea slugs, which not only devour the Man O’ War but actively harvest and appropriate its toxins. After storing Man O’ War stinging cells in their own skins, the blue dragons can use it as a predator deterrent.
8. MAN O’ WAR COME IN PRETTY COLORS.iStock
Although it’s translucent, the float is usually tinted with blue, pink, and/or purple hues. Beaches along the American Gulf Coast raise purple flags in order to let visitors know when groups of Man O’ War (or other potentially deadly sea creatures) are at large.
9. EVERY COLONY HAS A SPECIFIC SEX.
The Man O' War's gonozooids have sacs that house ovaries or testes—so each colony can therefore be considered “male” or “female.” Though marine biologists aren’t completely sure how the Man O’ War procreates, one theory is that the gonozooids release eggs and sperm into the open ocean, which become fertilized when they cross paths with floating eggs or sperm from other Man O’ War colonies. This “broadcast spawning” method of reproduction is also used by many species of coral, fan worms, sea anemone, and jellyfish.
10. LOOK OUT FOR MAN O’ WAR LEGIONS.
The Man O’ War isn't always seen in isolation. Legions consisting of over 1000 colonies have been observed floating around together. Because they drift along on (somewhat) predictable winds and ocean currents, it’s possible to anticipate where and when a lot of the creatures will show up. For example, the Gulf Coast’s Man O’ War season arrives in the winter months.
Macau today is a special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China, covering an area of only 22 square kilometres including the islands of Taipa and Coloane, and with a population of about 450,000 (95% Chinese). But for more than 400 years up until 1999, it was a small Portuguese enclave in Asia, moulded uniquely by the intermingling of the two cultures (Portuguese and Chinese). Its historic status as an outpost of European settlement and trade in China, and its air of isolation, gave it a special character and cultural identity.
The history books tell us that there have been Portuguese in Macau since somewhere around 1555. In its early days it can best be described as a Portuguese 'frontier town', host to merchants and adventurers, including clerics who, in addition to their missionary roles, often filled one or both of the other roles as well.
It was a mutually convenient arrangement, with Portugal having a foothold in China, China being able to control and limit access to it through Macau, and the Jesuits using Macau as the base for all of its Asian activities, from Japan to India. Over the next 300 years, Macau had a chequered but constant role as a frontier trading post, with its fingers in many activities which were then legal and 'normal', but today entirely frowned upon, including slavery and the opium trade. But there were always Portuguese there, and their descendents maintained a cohesive community. Thus both Fernando and Maria Fernanda can trace their Macanese roots back to the 1700s &ndash Tomas Vieira Ribeiro born about 1707 for Fernando, and Joaquim da Silva born in the 1770s for Fernanda.
For much of its first 300 years, although Macau was emerging as a Portuguese colonial settlement with a European-Christian identity, it remained a tiny settlement and it was a long way from Portugal's western European power base. While it retained its political allegiance to Portugal and its ships and guns were superior to those of China at the time, it was clear that at any time China could have reclaimed the settlement. Macau-Chinese relations are recorded as having been occasionally tense but never violent, and contrasted to that of Hong Kong and its related Sino-British conflict. (A distinction that was also reflected over 100 years later in the fundamentally different handover processes in 1997 (Hong Kong) and 1999 (Macau).)
In 1845 Macau was declared a free port, and in 1887 a Treaty of Amity and Commerce was signed between Portugal and China, combining the two islands Coloane and Taipa with the peninsular city to become an overseas province of mainland Portugal.
Macau at that stage was &ndash as it still is &ndash a predominantly Chinese community, but then with a mixed population of Cantonese, Portuguese, Macanese, Negroes and Indians, along with a small number of government officials and clerics on postings from Portugal. At the beginning of the 19th century, Macau's Portuguese population &ndash which included many of mixed race, including Portuguese/Chinese, Portuguese/Indian, and Portuguese/ Japanese &ndash numbered almost 4,000. There were 7,000 Chinese, and a large number of foreigners &ndash including British working for the famous British East India Company which established its headquarters in Macau (in what was Casa Garden, built in 1770, converted to Camoes Museum in 1855, and now is the headquarters of Fundação Oriente &ndash see later for the role of the Fundação) &ndash engaged in trading tea and opium.
In 1841 an event of tremendous significance for Macau, and for our story, occurred &ndash the British were ceded the city/state colony of Hong Kong as a result of its victory in the Opium War with China. To be for England what Macau was for Portugal, initially its impact was terrible for Macau, as the British moved &ndash with their trade &ndash to Hong Kong, and the Hong Kong harbour was far larger and more safe than that of Macau. Macau went into a 50-year decline. However, the establishment of Hong Kong as an outpost of a European nation occurred at a much later time than Macau, not only in calendar years, but in the development of civil administration. Moreover, Britain prided itself in its colonial administrations, and it quickly set up the institutions and services for which Victorian England was well known. Furthermore, the Portuguese had also been active on the Hong Kong island since the 16th century, and relations between the two closely located city/states were close. So the lessons for the less advanced Macau Administration were there to be learned. Although Hong Kong quickly gained the ascendancy as the centre of trading, its very success ensured the growth of trade generally, and gave a measure of stability &ndash if perhaps impoverished stability &ndash to Macau.
By coincidence, in 1844 (i.e. about the same time as the development of British administrative structures in Hong Kong) the Portuguese Administration of Macau moved from Goa to Macau itself. Thus the civil administration was able to develop structures more appropriate to its needs. All throughout this period, the Jesuits maintained Macau as the centre of their missionary activities, and with the relative stability and 'normalisation' of trading, diplomacy and access between China and the rest of the world as a result of the opium war, they were able to pursue their missionary activities more vigorously. Again this was to be of significance to our story.
As has been said, our two families trace their history in Macau back to its early Portuguese community, but this is primarily the story of Maria Fernanda and Fernando &ndash not so much their family history &ndash so I have restricted the focus on their ancestors to those who directly influenced their lives.
It is at this point in history that the first of these &ndash Bernardino de Senna Fernandes &ndash emerges on the scene.
Despite worldwide progress in transport, communication and medicine, life was difficult and challenging during this period &ndash even for the affluent Macanese. The colony was struck by cholera epidemics in 1862 and 1888, while telegraphic links to the rest of the world did not come until the 1880s, and even a local telephone service did not commence until 1885. Taipa Island continued to be a major pirate strong hold until 1886, threatening the maritime commerce that was the lifeblood of Macau. Yet reports of the views of Senna Fernandes and his compatriots of the time reflect an optimism and a determination to lead Macau out of the decline it was in.
But before we tell his fascinating story, let us continue to set the historical scene by jumping forward to Macau in the 1920s &ndash the Macau in which Fernando and Maria Fernanda grew up in. By then it was much less of a frontier town in character and facilities. Its peculiar blend of oriental and Western influences gave Macau an air of romance and nostalgia, yet at that time it still had a reputation as a place of smuggling, gambling, prostitution and triad-controlled crime (indeed, the gambling and related prostitution remain evident to this day). It was a fairly typical city of its size for the time &ndash all the necessary basic facilities, but no university or specialist medical services, and few jobs suitable for the children of the wealthy Macanese families, so they were typically sent 'home' to Portugal for their university education (even though in some cases, Portugal had not been home to their family for several generations). Often the children then stayed on in Europe, moved on to be pioneers in other Portuguese colonies (Angola, Mozambique), or settled in countries that were former Portuguese colonies, like Brazil. So the tradition of a Macanese diaspora (people originally living in one place maintaining their culture after they leave) was begun.
For those staying on, Macau was a relatively safe, comfortable existence, with its new source of affluence &ndash gambling &ndash starting to emerge, and to draw to it wealthy Chinese gamblers from both Hong Kong and mainland China. Today it is a rich and vibrant city, growing dramatically on reclaimed land as gambling booms and related tourism expands to complement it.
The Macanese tradition of the diaspora was to directly affect the upbringing of Fernando and, particularly, Maria Fernanda, and it is still alive and well. Today, however, it is maintained by the expatriate Macanese &ndash those living in the USA, Canada, Brazil, Australia and Portugal itself. Macau itself is rapidly shedding the visible signs of the Portuguese Administration and implementing its integration into China. But due largely to the activities of organisations like the Fundação Oriente and APIM (which are described in chapter 13), interest in the cultural heritage of the Macanese and their contribution to Macau is supported and maintained.
So now, when we look at the lives of Fernando and Maria Fernanda, we know just a little bit about the history that formed their environment.
Several members of the family of Fernando made important contributions to the development of a more modern, more Europeanised Macau, but none did more than his maternal great-grandfather, Conde (Count) Bernardino de Senna Fernandes I. Although Count Bernardino died in 1893, 29 years before Fernando was born, he was the entrepreneur that created the family's wealth and prestige, and his widow, Ana Teresa, remained a highly influential member of the Macau community after his death. Fernando's father and grandparents died quite young, and it was to Ana Teresa's house that his mother Maria Celeste returned after his father's death in 1924. So in many ways the Count and his family had an important influence on Fernando's upbringing.
Bernardino de Senna Fernandes was born in Macau on 20 May 1815. In a family history interview some years before her death, Fernando's eldest sister, Maria Alice, said that he was of Armenian descent however, his parents were also born in Macau and their names, and their parents' names, all seem to be traditional Portuguese names, so we cannot be sure. In any event we know nothing of his parents, or of Bernardino's upbringing. It is known that at the age of 32 he was a serving noncommissioned officer (Sergeant 1st Class) in the Provincial Battalion of Macau. He went on, however, to become a very successful business man with widespread connections and a commitment to Macau. Family tradition is that he traded in pure silk and he purchased his own ship to transport it.
Maria Alice recalled that he was also involved in the (then legal) opium trade, but we do not know the source of her belief. We know for sure that he traded astutely and used his wealth wisely, and became one of the wealthiest Macanese in the Territory.
At that time, it was still largely a frontier town, and the wealthy protected themselves and their possessions by employing body guards. The rest of the community was left to fend for, and protect, themselves. Bernardino, however, was impressed by what he saw in nearby Hong Kong, and in 1857 he established Macau's first public police force &ndash a small group of about 10, whom he paid and equipped out of his own funds. Later that year he was to become the first Commandant of the Police Guards. It is also recorded that he was responsible for many successful battles with Chinese pirates pillaging villages near Macau, and that during the second Opium War in 1858, he negotiated the breakdown of an embargo preventing the importation of food into Macau. So it would seem that he was a man of action, and that his military background and understanding was to influence many of his achievements.
He was active in many fields, including representing both Siam (modern Thailand) and Italy as honorary consul. He was President of several philanthropic and charitable institutions, and active in Macau politics. The Senna Fernandes family was one of the '40 leading families' that effectively governed Macau while it was technically being administered from Goa. In addition to his role as Commandant of the Police, he also held the positions of Superintendent of Chinese Migration (a very sensitive and critical position for Macau) and Inspector of Fires. He was also president of the Commission of Santa Casa da Misericórdia (which has been described as what would now be called a Health & Human Services Bureau) and was a founding member of the Association for the Promotion of the Instruction (education) of the Macanese ( APIM ). (See Pedro Nolasco da Silva, below.) He later wrote a book on Macanese politics of the time (apparently to defend himself against critics).
He was highly decorated by the Portuguese Government, being made first a Baron, then a Viscount, and finally a hereditary Conde (Count) (with the eldest surviving son of the next two generations also entitled to use the title). He was also appointed as a member of the Portuguese King's official household, and awarded honours by both the Siamese and Italian governments.
In association with Pedro Nolasco da Silva (grandfather to Maria Fernanda) he established three European-style schools for the Macanese community, encouraging missionary nuns to come and run them.
He was first married to Antónia Maria de Carvalho in about 1840, but she died without any children being born to the marriage. He married again in 1862 to Ana Teresa Vieira Ribeiro (not related to the family of Fernando's father, who was born in Portugal). Ana Teresa was a fourth-generation Macanese of mixed blood whose known Macanese ancestry goes back to 1706. A strikingly attractive woman, she was strong-willed and intelligent, and ably supported her husband. They went on to have nine children &ndash including, as their fourth child, Maria Bernardina, born in May 1871.
So it was that both of our Fernando's maternal grandparents had died in Macau before he was born. His grandfather Fernando had married again after Maria Bernardina's death, to Maria Louisa de Sousa e Faro from Cape Verde, but they had no children, and the family did not stay in contact with her after his death.
Two years after her husband's death, Maria Celeste decided to return to Macau however, by then her own parents had died, so she returned to live with her grandmother, Ana Teresa, in the mansion on Praia Grande that was both her home and her office. Although she was only tiny, Maria Celeste was feisty and brooked no nonsense. Indeed although he was at pains to put it in the context of the times and to explain that they were devoted to her, Fernando recalled that the servants sometimes called her 'two-slap mamma' behind her back, because of what would happened if they were late with her rickshaw or otherwise stepped out of line.
After Count Senna Fernandes' death, Ana Teresa had become highly influential in Macau, as well as maintaining the family wealth and business enterprises. Maria Alice could remember the doormen taking Chinese merchants and dignitaries up to visit her great-grandmother, and how it was that the Governor and the Bishop would come to her, rather than the other way round.
The Senna Fenandes' house at 71 Rua da Praia Grande had ample room to accommodate them, and they were given three rooms &ndash one for Maria Celeste, one for Maria Alice and Maria Helena, and one shared by Fernando and his Amah. Also living in the house in an upstairs attic was another cousin of Maria Celeste, Anita de Senna Fernandes d'Assumpção. That part of the house was said to be haunted, and Fernando tells of experiencing one inexplicable incident when they were all woken in the night by the sound of shattering crockery in the kitchen. He, his sisters and the amah ran to Maria Celeste's room fearing there were intruders in the house. However, the next morning, the kitchen was untouched and none of the people living elsewhere in the house had heard anything.
Maria Celeste and her children lived with Ana Teresa until her death in 1929. Thereafter they rented a house on the Praia Grande while she built the permanent family home at 22 Avenida da República, where she lived until 1952.
It would appear that, partly helped by poor investment advice from her son-in-law, Pedro, Maria Celeste did not manage her investments all that well, and it became difficult to maintain a large house and servants just for herself. So in 1952, Maria Celeste left Macau and, with her sister Maria Amélia and her family, migrated to Australia, where the two of them went into partnership to open a laundrette in Alison Road, Randwick in Sydney. However, Maria Celeste did not adapt to living in Australia very well, and in 1954 she returned to Portugal, where she rented an apartment at Parede, near where her daughter Maria Helena lived. She lived there until she died in 1980, aged 87. Known to all the family as 'Avó', she visited Australia several times after Fernando moved to Canberra, including for Margarida's wedding in 1967 (where, at 74, she single-handedly cooked many of the Portuguese delicacies that were served at the reception.) She remained active and healthy right up to her death, still climbing a ladder to an 'in-roof' pantry at 84.
Although it is primarily Fernando's heritage we have been tracing, he was very close to his sisters, so it is convenient here to relate their lives to his story.
Fernando's elder sister, Maria Alice, married José Nolasco da Silva in Macau on 29 December 1929, aged just 17 (José being Maria Fernanda's first cousin). He was a stockbroker and investment adviser. In 1950 José, Maria Alice and their son Manuel moved to Australia, settling in Milford Street, Randwick. In nearby Avoca Street, they established a boarding house for single men, which they operated for a number of years, while José became investment adviser to other former Hong Kong residents in Sydney. He died in 1967. By then they had moved to 10 Arthur Street, Randwick, and Maria Alice continued to live there for many years, and then moved with her sister Maria Helena to a smaller house in nearby Ainslie Street, Kingsford. In 2002 she went into a nursing home due to failing health, and she died on 26 June 2003. Manuel worked for Qantas for many years, but in his youth he had been a successful tennis player, and he left Qantas to establish an equally successful tennis coaching business that continues today. Although he was briefly married, he has no children.
Maria Helena married a Macau lawyer (who later became a Hong Kong antique dealer), Pedro Lobato, in April 1940. The marriage did not last and they were divorced. Maria Helena decided to return to Portugal, and in 1951 sailed for Europe. On the voyage, she became friendly with one of the ship's officers, Eduardo Moreira Silva Santos, and they were married in Lisbon on 6 March 1952. They lived in Parede, where Maria Helena went to work for Ford Lusitana (Ford Motors), and for many years she was the personal secretary to the managing director. In 1954 her mother had moved nearby, also in Parede, and they stayed in very close contact until Maria Celeste's death in May 1980. Eduardo had died in January 1980, they had had no children, and she had no near relatives left in Portugal, so in August 1981 (18 months after his death) Maria Helena decided to move to Australia, where she lived in Sydney with Maria Alice. At the time of Maria Alice's death, Maria Helena was also becoming frail, and she moved to Canberra to be near Fernando and his family, living initially in an aged care home for the independent, and then in an aged care hostel. She died on 25 October 2004 at age 89.
With neither his sister Maria Helena nor his nephew Manuel having children, the stories and traditions of his ancestry are left, therefore, to Fernando's children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren.
Just like Fernando, Maria Fernanda's ancestry in Macau stretches back to its early days &ndash and it would have to be assumed that in a small Portuguese enclave like Macau, in the early 1800s one Pedro Nolasco da Silva would have known a Vicente José Fernandes, the father of Count Bernardino de Senna Fernandes &ndash but as with Fernando, I have focused on those who directly influenced her. And in this case, the first of them was her grandfather, the second Pedro Nolasco da Silva. Pedro was born in Macau on 6 May 1842, and named after his father Pedro Nolasco da Silva (whom I shall call Pedro senior), who was married to Severina Angélica Baptista. Pedro senior was born on 31 January 1803 in Macau, the son of Joaquim da Silva and Antónia Maria da Silva Aires. He was a successful businessman, supplying and owning sailing ships trading between Macau, Timor and Goa. We suspect, but cannot be sure, that he supplied the trading ship of Bernardino de Senna Fernandes.
Pedro suffered from diabetes and, when he then contracted malaria in Hong Kong, he decided to return to the Department of Chinese Affairs in Macau. In 1868, after his return to Macau, he married an Englishwoman, Edith Maria Angier. Edith's father, Frederick John Angier, was a newspaper proprietor in Hong Kong, so it is possible that he knew Pedro, but Edith was not brought up by her father, so we do not know. In Macau Pedro was very friendly with Bernardino de Senna Fernandes, and they worked together on many major activities.
One of those arose in 1870, when the Portuguese Government ordered the expulsion of all foreign teachers from Portuguese schools &ndash including in Macau. This had a huge impact on Macau, and, as one response, in September 1871 a group of 19 wealthy and influential Macanese got together and decided to establish a body to promote the commercial education of the Macanese. So was born APIM . Both Pedro and Bernardino were members of that group, and Pedro worked so tirelessly to establish a school to achieve APIM's aims that, when it was opened, it was called the Escola Comercial Pedro Nolasco and he was appointed its first Director. 150 years later, the school and APIM continue on today &ndash the school is now known simply as Escola Portuguesa, and APIM undertakes a range of cultural and educational activities, and is a major contributor to the Encontros we shall talk about later.
Pedro was also the driving force behind the establishment of the Santa Casa da Misericórdia, of which Bernardino became the commissioner, and the Asilo dos Orfãos (orphanage) in Macau. He, too, was active in politics and went on to be elected as Vice President and then President of the Leal Senado (the equivalent of the city council).
His linguistic skills were such that Pedro was appointed Interpreter Secretary to the Portuguese Minister in Peking, to assist in the negotiation of the Portuguese-Chinese Treaty of 1887, which guaranteed the independence of Macau. He wrote several books, including the Manual de Lingua Sínica (Manual of the Chinese Language). The list of his achievements goes on, but I think what we have said illustrates his stature and contribution to Macau. He was made a Knight of The Order of Our Lord Jesus Christ by the Portuguese Government.
It meant, though, that she spent much more time with her parents, and so, for better or for worse, they had a greater influence on her life. However, again in her own words, that influence was not as great as you might expect. Maria Fernanda describes her father as a very hard-working and serious man, strict and without much of a sense of humour. However, both she and Fernando remember him as very generous, and it seemed to her that, following in his own father's footsteps, his main aim in life as a father was to give a very good education to his children. In this regard, she recalls how he insisted that the family only learn and speak 'pure' Portuguese (not the Macanese patois), and encouraged them to chose friends amongst those who did the same.
By contrast, Maria Fernanda describes her mother as a very fun loving, lively and sociable person, who spent a lot of her time playing mah-jong and engaged in other social activities. As a result, she says that, in very many ways, it was left to the servants to bring them up. Indeed, despite going to primary school at the nearby Santa Rosa de Lima, a Franciscan nuns' convent, at the young age of eight or nine she was enrolled as a boarder at the school. This apparently did not last all that long, as a clash occurred between the nuns and her father over allowing her home on a weekday for her birthday. The nuns and her father were both unrelenting, and Maria Fernanda ended up being taken out of boarding school to become a day student. Although she loved her parents, they were not a close family in a personal sense, and she did not see her parents as role models, confidants or people to turn to for advice on the normal problems of growing up. In that sense, she says both she and Fernando essentially grew up on their own merits, making their own way and forming their own views.
However, that does not mean &ndash and she does not intend it to mean &ndash that she had in any way an unhappy childhood. As we will see in the next chapter, it was in many ways an idyllic and very happy childhood.
After completing her primary schooling at Santa Rosa de Lima, in 1937 Maria Fernanda went on to the Liceu Infante D. Henrique (where Fernando was already a student), where she completed her secondary education in 1944 &ndash just one year before she was to marry. As indicated above, on leaving school, Maria Fernanda wanted to become a nurse, and when that did not eventuate, she stayed home, studying English with her sister, using a home tutor. Before that, Maria Fernanda explains, while she already spoke English, it was based on contact with the British in Hong Kong and on going to pre-war American movies, not formally learnt.
By the time Maria Fernanda left Hong Kong in 1963, her parents had already passed away, and all of her brothers and sisters had moved away from Macau, so she did not stay as closely in touch with them as Fernando did with his sisters. Beatriz &ndash who was the closest to Maria Fernanda of her brothers and sisters &ndash died in 1996, and only her brother Rui, living now in Beatriz' former house in Portugal, survives. (By way of a postscript to the family links to the Escola Comercial Pedro Nolasco, before she left Macau, Beatriz, who was a school teacher, went on to become its Principal.)
In a visit to Portugal in 1975, with Fernando and Maria Fernanda, we stayed with Beatriz and also with Maria Fernanda's brother Gustavo. At different times since then Maria Fernanda and Fernando have visited (and been visited by) various of her cousins, nieces and nephews, and/or their children, living in Canada and Portugal.
Maria Fernanda's last major gathering with her family was the Nolasco da Silva family reunion in January 2001. The reunion was held in the Parque das Nações (Park of Nations), built for Expo 98. Family members travelled from Brazil, Australia, Canada, the UK and Macau. In all 250 people gathered, including 58 of the direct descendants of Luiz Nolasco da Silva. Maria Fernanda saw her brother Rui there, as well as catching up with many of the older cousins she had written to over the years, and meeting younger members of their families. There was a special church service followed by a big lunch of traditional Macanese food. For both Maria Fernanda and Fernando it was a wonderful experience, and they recall spending hours talking to members of the family and exchanging stories about their lives and families.
Fernando and Maria Fernanda grew up in a very similar way &ndash in the style of children of wealthy Portuguese families in Macau. Thus they lived in grand houses, they had amahs to look after them, lavish parties were thrown for their birthdays, and they wanted nothing in the way of clothing, toys or special treats.
They recall that their families were so well known in the town that as young children they would go into shops for lollies or whatever and just be given them, with the shop keeper later being paid by the family. Every year in summer, their families would have bamboo shacks built on the shore of the outer harbour of Macau, where the families would spent the afternoons playing mah-jong, cards, etc.
Indeed the house was so big that, in 1930, when the Chinese revolution was destabilising the nearby mainland region, Luiz rented the home out to become a school for refugees from the conflict, and it was used for that purpose for several years until the countryside settled down and the students could return home. Again in 1938, the Chun Lei Kei Ning School for refugees from the Sino-Japanese war was established in temporary huts in the grounds of the house, where it operated until 1941.
While this was happening, the family lived in a house, bought by Maria Fernanda's parents, on the Avenida da Republica &ndash only three houses away from Fernando's home.
Maria Fernanda was nine when the family moved to the Avenida da Republica and she quickly became friends with the boy (almost) next door. Apparently he made a big impact on her, because only a couple of years later she gave Fernando a photo of herself, on the back of which she had written 'to my future boyfriend'.
The family returned to Casa Branca in 1941, where they lived until Luiz died in 1954 and Beatriz in 1959. In 1960 it was sold to a Chinese order of nuns, The Sisters of the Precious Blood, who used it as a convent of the same name. Today it has been beautifully restored and houses the offices of the Monetary Authority of Macau (the equivalent of the Australian Reserve Bank).
As described above, Ana Teresa's house at Praia Grande was similarly opulent, and while the house at Avenida da Republica was more modest, it was still very comfortable for Maria Celeste and her three children, and needed a number of servants to maintain.
It has been described as a very elegant, relaxed lifestyle. Yet as I have said, both Fernando and Maria Fernanda grew up loved by, but largely isolated from, their parents. They were looked after by the servants, and they were very self sufficient emotionally. When I asked, neither of them saw any specific members of their families as role models who they looked up to and wanted to emulate. Both talked about their mothers in terms of their interest in Mah-jong and social activities. Fernando's father had, of course, died when he was very young, but Maria Fernanda's father was a very busy lawyer, and she did not recall him as a major influence in her life. It is clear, too, that from a relatively early age they also had their own interests and pursued them with their friends rather than with family.
Perhaps one of the reasons for this was that both Fernando and Maria Fernanda were the youngest in their families. Whatever the reason, it is clear that their childhoods were happy, and they emerged as mature, sophisticated and well adjusted young adults.
For Fernando, it was in sport that he found his interests and displayed his personality. It is apparent that, from an early age, he showed an aptitude for racquet sports. Living next door to tennis courts, it was only natural that he would want to play &ndash particularly as older sister Lena was displaying promise as a player (and went on to become Macau women's champion for a number of years).
So, from about age of nine or 10, Fernando began hitting balls with friends. He had no formal lessons, and tennis was not a school sport &ndash interestingly, in those days tennis in Macau was perceived to be a rich person's sport, as racquets and balls were expensive, and in order to play on their courts, you had to join one of the Macau sporting clubs. Fernando joined Tenis Civil and went on to be Macau high school doubles champion partnered by José (Zeca) da Silva &ndash the half-brother of Carlos da Silva, who was to become Maria Fernanda's brother-in-law &ndash who later went on to become the tennis singles champion of Portugal. As Fernando became older and more experienced, he represented Macau against Hong Kong in the regular Interport sporting competitions between the two city/states.
Shortly after he began playing tennis, Fernando also became interested in badminton, and he quickly displayed the same natural ability, to the extent that by age 12 he was already playing in tournaments and in school representative teams. He has press clippings dating back to 1934 recording his progress &ndash again playing with Zeca da Silva as partner in the doubles.
The fields and the nature of the competition in the two sports are too different to be sure, but the impression is that, despite his lifelong success in tennis, in his youth, Fernando was probably an even better badminton player than he was a tennis player. In any event, he continued to play both sports with great success and enthusiasm up until (and well after) he left Macau.
During the war years he was approached by his cousin Conde Bernardino de Senna Fernandes III ('Ber' to the family), to organise badminton tournaments for the residents and refugees in Macau. Ber was the president of the Melco Club (sponsored by Macau Electric Light Company &ndash MELCO), the only recreation club whose premises were not taken over by the Macau government to house refugees. The Melco Club played an important role in providing recreation opportunities for the refugees and the locals during the war years.
Fernando was able to import the badminton equipment in through the upstairs tenant in his mother's house. The tenant was Fu Yam Chiu &ndash wealthy son of Macau's first casino operator, and later head of the Furama hotel chain. Fu had played badminton with Fernando, and Fernando and Maria Fernanda remained friends with the family, and to this day they exchange Christmas cards with his widow. Fu was able to use his family gambling connections to travel freely between Macau and Hong Kong throughout the war, and he was able to bring the equipment back with him. So a number of successful tournaments were organised.
Apart from his racquet sports, Fernando was also an avid shooter and a member of the Macau Skeet Shooting Club for a number of years. Although he did not have the same competitive success, he enjoyed it very much. He owned a number of shotguns &ndash 12-gauge, 16-gauge and 20-gauge &ndash as well as a .22 rifle, and a Smith & Wesson target pistol.
In addition to target and clay pigeon shooting, the Club went on numerous hunting trips into China, which were apparently great family affairs. The group would travel in a convoy to the border, where they would hire Chinese licence plates to hang on the car, and then head to a local village. Children from the village would be hired as beaters, and they would hang off the side of the cars as they went to the hunting ground. The women would then set up a picnic, while the local children went behind the stands of bamboo to frighten the partridges and pigeons out into the path of the men's guns. The bag was later taken home to be cooked by the family cook. Fernando later brought his guns to Australia, but did not follow through with target shooting as a sport. In 2005, when on a holiday on Hamilton Island, Fernando tried his skill again at a local rifle range, and was very proud that he had not lost it.
Apart from sport, the other recreational passion of Fernando's life has been photography. While he did not start organising the results into albums until he came to Australia, from a very early age Fernando was an avid photographer, first with the universal box Brownie camera, and then into colour slides and movies. He still has the colour slides taken before he was married, but unlike the 8mm and super 8mm films taken then and in Hong Kong, the cost of transferring them onto a more enduring medium has so far been prohibitive. In 2007, all of his movies, including those from his days in Macau, were transferred onto DVD. Those first movies were taken on a Bell & Howell Sportster, which, along with their later pre-war replacements, were brought to Australia and later donated to the Australian Film & Sound Archive. A constant feature of Fernando's photography was the regular upgrading of his equipment as new and better cameras became available &ndash but often the older ones were retained 'just in case'. Today he has 112 albums of photos including 30 recording the trips and holidays he and Maria Fernanda have enjoyed.
Maria Fernanda did not have the same passion for sport that Fernando did. However, as befitted the daughter of a prominent family, when she did take up a sport, she chose fencing, taking lessons from an army sergeant and fencing instructor, and acquitting herself quite well.
Although it did not rate as highly an interest as their other recreational activities, both Fernando and Fernanda had horses, which were kept at the Macau horse race track located next to the Melco Club. Both had riding lessons and riding was one of the many common interests they shared in their youth and courtship. Unfortunately the shortages of meat in Macau during the war led to the end of their horse riding activities (and the horses!), and they never again owned horses.
This article investigates the use of organic metaphors in Lusophone urban geography of the Vidalian paradigm. There is presently a growing body of literature on the use of metaphors in urban studies in the Anglophone academy, yet the use of metaphors in urban studies in other languages seems to be an unexplored matter. To tackle this issue, we examine the work of Aroldo de Azevedo (1910–1974), a Brazilian geographer at the University of São Paulo, and Orlando Ribeiro (1911–1997), a Portuguese geographer at the University of Lisbon. The choice of these authors is based on the high visibility of their work in both Brazilian and Portuguese geography and urban studies, as well as the long-standing dialogue between them. We will show that Aroldo de Azevedo and Orlando Ribeiro mobilised organic metaphors to explain the history and form of the cities founded by the Portuguese, establishing a common language for the Lusophone geography community. We will also discuss how they used organic metaphors to criticise the logics of large scale urban planning, and, more importantly, the perspectives and techniques of spatial science. In a broader sense, this study also shows that considering the use of metaphors provides a novel way of examining scientific controversies beyond ideas of the succession of paradigms.